Barrackpore was the first place that had risen to revolt during the passing years of 1857. The Bengal Native Infantry (BNI) was garrisoned here and Mangal Pandey was the man of the times. He had as his trusted aid Nakki Khan, Mangal`s childhood friend. Mangal Pandey had somehow overheard a conversation between two English soldiers about the fresh introduction of cartridges for a new P-53 Enfield Rifle. The issue was however regarding the cartridges, which were known later to have been greased by cow and pig fat. The natives were informed that this was being done on purpose to defile Hindus and Muslims from their caste. The papers which the soldiers had to bite from these cartridges were also greased with animal fat. Such an act was too much to bear for the regiments of 34th and 19th, stationed in Behrampore. The mass turned enraged and decided to revolt. Mangal Pandey took the lead to contact sources in Oudh and other provinces in the northern parts of the country. In spite of several pacifications on behalf of Lt. Colonel Mitchell, the commander of the 19th N.I., sipahis did not budge. Mangal Pandey had already started his clandestine operations from his Barrackpore hideout, along with his trusted band of soldiers. Some of them still had remained loyal to British rulers. These soldiers informed the English that native mutineers would revolt somewhere around March. It seemed to English officers that the Barrackpore Insurgency could not be quelled under any means. None of the regimental natives complied to accept the greased cartridges.

Though the Behrampore regiment was freed unpunished, yet Mangal Pandey could not rest by thinking that the English had left trying. He had previously been witness to English cruelty on both women and men. He was turning restless as Nakki Khan did not bring any news to him from Patna of assistance. During this time did the Barrackpore unrest commence in reality.

It was at this point that Mangal Pandey decided that some kind of ultimate sacrifice was needed soon. Otherwise the Bengal impulse would get diffused. Mangal and Nakki had a meeting with Mukhopadhyay, a kingpin of Bengal revolutionaries in Nadia and Murshidabad and the Barrackpore zamindar. A new problem had cropped up. Summing up reports given by the latter two personalities, Nakki observed that propaganda amongst sepoys was working, but the Bengal civil population, especially the zamindars were not ready.

Nakki again proposed the recruitment of Bengal peasantry. The zamindar was distinctly unwilling and he suggested that they wait for a while, the zamindars would definitely come around.

Meanwhile Mangal Pandey was getting restless again. He confided in Nakki that pinning hopes on the Bengal zamindars was a mistake. It would have been better to arouse the peasants even if it meant harm to zamindari interest. Mangal Pandey said he knew the sepoy mind, they were peasants and their ferment would soon subside if not followed up by action.

All through March there was intense activity. Nakki had received communication from Jhansi and Gwalior. An alternate plan was at work, set into motion by Nana Sahib, Azimullah Khan, Shamsuddin Khan and Azeezun Bai, the Kanpur group to incite rebellion in Meerut. Nakki relaxed, but Gwalior missives spoke also of how the support of Golab Singh, the Punjab and the Maratha princes could not be taken for granted. British agents had got wind that something was afoot and had already started working on the pro-British factions in the various courts.

Gwalior missives talked about a general co-ordination with Kunwar Singh, the daring Rajput leader and landowner. The missives also spoke about the Patna group being under serious threat of exposure and the Calcutta forces being almost dispersed. Decision on Bengal was left to Nakki Khan and Mangal Pandey. It was requested, however, that a `spark like lightning might ignite Bengal-if not it will inspire Sepoys in other stations. The name of the brave martyr will be enshrined in gold`.

Mangal met a highly downcast Nakki in Barasat near Barrackpore. The 19th N.I. of Behrampore was to be punished for having tried to affect a mutiny. They were to be marched down and disbanded in Barrackpore.

Mangal tried contacting Sitaram Tiwari, the initiator of the daring mutiny in Behrampore. Bechan and Machli had gone to Bihar and he had to send a zamindar man. Meanwhile Mangal Pandey spoke to his comrades: "rising now is a must. Let`s do it before the 19th gets disbanded."

The more experienced amongst the 34th N.I. vacillated. They were still not sure about the 19th itself joining them. They talked in the language of a trade union sympathising with Mangal and the cause, saying that they would rise along with other sepoys in Uttar Pradesh and Haryana.

Mangal played a ruse. He told his comrades that Nakki and his team had worked amongst the peasantry and kisans (farmers). The farmers of Barasat in particular were extremely keen to join any initiative.

Earlier Nakki had sent Bechan to Barasat where he got support amongst the peasantry and the zamindars. Even the Barrackpore zamindar on Mukhopadhyay`s insistence had reached an understanding with some zamindars and serfs. But the latter again looked towards Delhi. They were of the view that `confidence level was not high and the Zamindars were all new men who had served the British`. They regarded only the Mughal Badshah as having ancient authority.

Another letter came from Gwalior. It spoke of North India on the verge of boil. Hints were given to start the Bengal uprising however unprepared it may be.

In March Mangal Pandey received a message from his mother. His mother spoke that he was twenty-six years old and he had served the East India army for seven years. She had fixed his marriage in May when his furlough was due.

Between 15th and 26th-27th of March, Mangal spent many hours meditating and offering prayers to Lord Hanuman and Lord Shiva. Dangling between depression and agitation he took to having regular opium doses. Then, as he realised that his comrades, the revolutionary cell in the 34th were not meeting with much success in the lines, he began to dream impossibilities.

On 29th March, around afternoon, Mangal came out from his hut, in a dhoti (rejecting the British pantaloon) and the red tunic in what was to become a sepoy style statement. He first asked the drummer to sound the bugler. Then he started berating his men to gather and raise their rifles for honour and religion. Abusing profoundly, he looked towards the quarter guard as Major General Hewson came forward and asked the quarter guard to load. The jemadar (this was a rank used in the British Indian Army, where it was the lowest rank for a Viceroy`s Commissioned Officer) in charge appeared reluctant. The quarter guard advanced a few steps further but refused to load.

Before the event Mangal Pandey had a heated argument with his comrades. They tried restraining him, but he reasoned that the 19th would be disbanded. It was now or never. The comrades agreed reluctantly to help him in ways possible. Now Hewson charged at Mangal. He saw Lt. Baugh coming forward on a horse. Loading his musket Mangal fired and Baugh`s horse gave way. Then taking out talwars (Indian for `swords`) both Baugh and Hewson charged at Mangal. The sepoy guard kept watching, almost immobile. A crowd had begun collecting. His style of challenge was an Indian one with a direct bearing to Gangetic belt`s street traditions where the brave man provoked the enemy to a fight heroic and square. The duel was fought in the open.

The fight was more than even. Both Baugh and Hewson had swords and pistols. They, however, lacked the charged, defenceless power of an Indian pugilist-hero. Mangal made a cut with a talwar (Indian for `sword`) at Hewson, but did not strike him. He struck adjutant Baugh. The next cut was however received by Hewson myself. At the same time he was knocked down from behind by one or two blows from Mangal`s musket. On rising Hewson advanced again towards Mangal and caught him by the collar of the coat with the left hand. Then he struck him several times with his sword and received another cut from his talwar. He was knocked down from behind once more.

Baugh too complained that Mangal Pandey made a deep cut in his hand, which began to shake. Mangal delivered another blow. He was fighting with one hand waving in the wind, sometimes using both his hands to unleash talwar strokes.

Sepoys did not get an elaborate fencing class. The skill displayed by Mangal Pandey, illustrated the native style. Baugh and Hewson usually tried to strike top down, the manner prevalent in Europe. Mangal, however, stepped back with briskness, making slanting cuts, reflected in the pattern of wounds inflicted on the two British officers. Mangal Pandey`s task was rendered difficult as the two officers occupied his left and right. He had to make sure the adequate distance while stepping back. The European fencing manner was meant to cut the opponent vertically. Mangal took the advantage of the interval between two vertical blows.

Mangal Pandey`s opponents were pestered and tired. He outclassed and outsmarted them especially by using the left hand to push and the right to strike. Soon it was evident that the British were losing an unequal fight where they had the initiative. Both Hewson and Baugh were armed to the teeth and were obviously looking to kill.

Lt. Wheeler, `the coward evangelist`, came along, but almost stepped aside when he saw the scene and the fact that the quarter guard was not responding. It is incredible that a third British officer seeing that it was one black man against two white, did not join the combat. Later Wheeler told the court that seeing the quarter guard`s attitude he considered a further waste of life useless.

Surely with Mangal fighting like an Indian tiger, Wheeler got cold feet. Later, he boasted that he could have finished Mangal with one hand.

In between Sheikh Paltu stepped in and held Mangal from behind. Now it was actually three men against one. Sheikh Paltu was either too frightened or hesitant to catch hold of Mangal`s hands. Mangal hit him with the elbow when he tried once. Paltu kept to the waist then. Mangal continued his back and forth now carrying Paltu`s weight as well. Baugh and Hewson received cuts and were unable to deliver the fatal blow.

Mangal was quiet as he fought on. Fellow sepoys came forward and threatened Paltu with death. Occasionally, they struck Hewson and Baugh from behind with the musket butt. Seeing other sepoys joining in, Hewson and Baugh who had lost the contest started retreating. Wheeler was still a silent spectator and no other British officer dared to intervene.

The news reached Major-General Hearsey himself. Alarmed at the report that Mangal Pandey had tackled two British officers, Hearsey called for his two sons, also serving in the same cantonment. This was a move probably because no one else could be trusted in such times.

Riding to the quarter guard, Hearsey loaded his pistol. The quarter guard also started loading his musket. Hearsey`s sons warned their father, but Hearsey brought his pistol to bear on the quarter guard first. He ordered the guard to follow him asking his sons to rush and kill Mangal if he died.

Mangal Pandey began reloading; he could still kill Hearsey. Then a thought flashed in his mind. Sepoys who helped him by using the musket butt had not loaded. The quarter guard was hesitant. Indian sepoys probably were not in a mood or excited enough to kill or mutiny at that instant.

At the same time, Mangal Pandey had achieved what he had set out to do. He aroused his men, showing them that British officers were wimps and could not stand an open fight, that two of them could be beaten back with guts and determination. This was enough for the moment.

In an act, which was exceedingly lamentable as Mangal Pandey`s fatal, long-sighted approach (doordarshita), He pointed the musket towards his breast and touched the trigger with his toe.

Mangal Pandey was wounded. The bullet grazed his left shoulder muscles. He was arrested immediately and sent to the hospital. The 34th N.I. remained sullen and awake throughout the night. Some of them were clearly in a mutinous mood, they went all the way to Barasat to confer with the 19th. Plans were discussed for an uprising, but Sitaram Tiwary had other plans. He wanted to wait till Mangal Pandey was tried him and disbanded, then, the whole country would witness their disgrace and revolt.

The 19th regiment decided not to mutiny. It was disbanded on 30th March at the very place Mangal performed the heroic deed. The action was not accompanied by violence; instead there was a deathly silence.

Sheikh Paltu was suddenly promoted even before Mangal Pandey`s court martial began. Mangal remained quiet even when he was asked pointedly whether he had any accomplices and whether he was under any `influence`. He refused to cross-examine the witnesses. The verdict was a foregone conclusion. Striking at white officers was like signing one`s death warrant. The severities of a judicial process were mainly eyewash.

Mangal`s comrades at one point offered to set him free. He refused on the wish that the farce of British judicial system become known to the world. The court martial declared Mangal guilty. Mangal Pandey`s posture till his death by hanging on 8th April remained that of a satyagrahi.